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Saturday, August 27, 2005
 
Our War

[note this post started life as part of the previous, but I decided it was just too long and spent a few days untangling it from the Cindy Sheehan post.]

It's our war not George W. Bush's. He just started it, it is the property of the American people - to dispose of as they see fit. We are entitled to ask: are we seeing a thousand points of light at the end of the tunnel, in his call for total victory, or imagining a point of light at the end of a thousand tunnels. With some hesitancy (well, with a lot frankly) I look to leadership from the left. The first thing you encounter here is the striking inability of the Democratic party leadership to develop a consensus position Democrats Split Over Position on Iraq War.

No real reasons, No Debate = No referendum. If one never felt the war was good policy, properly debated, or even legitimately grounded; what responsibility exists to seeing it though to its stated outcome. The election is often brought up by conservatives as validating the presidents policy. But those in the GOP leadership know better perhaps better than the left, that last years election was an anti-referendum. Discussion of the war was displaced by side arguments irrelevancies, symbols that referred to other things, a wall of skulking straw-men. They did not want discussion, did not want to answer questions, did not want to defend every reason they had for this war. As a result they got little or nothing in return - they didn't get a referendum because they didn't ask for one. They don't really know what the public is thinking, or feeling either.

Neither Kerry or anyone else forced the issue at the time. They had no answers that they felt would stand up. The situation in Iraq continues to deteriorate steadily from the ostensive goals of the administration. Now we find ourselves seriously regarding the viability of the leave now position of the peace movement TPMCafe || Naive Questions on Getting Out of Iraq (also the Nation article by Ari Berman that Mark Schmitt links to). Does leaving now "encourage" our "enemies"? Does it make no real difference because the current situation suits them? Does our "Staying the Course" make things worse, does our presence make things harder for those Iraqi's trying to build a secular democratic system? Do large numbers of US troops pacify or simply present more targets? The US commitment is settling into an irrational intransigence. It reacts to rather than leads events and weakly.

Answers that come from the democrats need to consider the strategic issues that exist indistinctly behind the immediate problems: basing and long term regional stability. U S Military basing had three goals: regional stability for transport of oil from production to market via pipelines or shipping, contingent ability to seize fields directly to prevent a catastrophic collapse of the American economy, regional stability which would have the collateral benefit of forestalling another Arab-Israeli war. I imagine a component of this would be to keep any single regional power from dominating the rest. Other issues such as maintaining buffer zones between emerging and emergent world powers and opening of the Arab world as a mass export market (opposed to Saudi Arabia, a specialized elite market) were of lesser consideration.

To this add the new goal of prosecuting the "war" on terror and managing | containing Radical Islam. Even here you must decide whether radical Islam has a locus and whether it truly distinguishes between the "near enemy and the far enemy" : Britain: homegrown terror. Given the possibility of loss of bases in ex Soviet states, can the goals be met by confining US military presence to the periphery. Is our military structure set up to accomplish this kind of distance education, or do we really need to set up in a H-3 to garrison oil fields, inclusive of Saudi, Kuwaiti, and Iraqi fields. What are the US Strategic goals now?

A lot has been said about the grand wilsonian visionary foreign policy of the Bush-41 administration. What is there to be seen though? Corporatism: following big business, servile and not leading. the prime foreign as well as domestic policy. Desperation: attempting to stave off perceived long term global prosperity shifts by leveraging a technologically superior military more peerless than any in history at this moment. This is unfortunately all reducible to arrogance and war: the procedure was unilateral, the tone arrogant, the tool was warfare. Beyond the question of justice in war - just war. To move beyond law and order (the procedures of which -- due process exist natively in all cultures for a reason). To disregard and disparage the many other tools diplomacy offers to approach disorder is not the way of the just. War is death and destruction. Pain and deprivation, callous, cruel and un-containably indiscriminate. To initiate a war of discretion is nothing less than looking for a hole to hell and shouting down the shaft: "You Scratch, Lucifer, whatever. Get your scaly red ass up here and I mean now. We've got work for you, boy." It is an abomination. It is not to be countenanced. War is to call Hell upon earth.

What were the war aims, Beyond the war excuses. Make the distinction between the war on terror -- the Afghanistan war for instance, and the Iraq War no more than a beast spun out of jealous history ten years prior. Consider the origins and implications of the Clean Break and a New Model Middle East. This is the full version of a transformed Iraq which would serve as a de-baathised beacon of values to the Arab Middle East (see Baghdad Year Zero by Naomi Klein). The phrase the Administration used at the time for this "clean break" echoed of a position paper Doug Feith Richard Perle and others had written for Benjamin Netanyahu's 1996 campaign A Clean Break: A New Strategy for Securing the Realm. This described a vision of strategic alliances for Israel, a fantasy transformation of the 100 year politics of the region. The two usages were not all together unrelated.

What are the aims now? Mostly to choose from a sliding scale of remaining possibilities The Globe and Mail: Partition lurks as an option to stabilize war-torn Iraq. A Free Market Democracy for Iraq? A market economy perhaps but without the full set of financial institutions to be independent. Democracy fully embraced now will give a future democracy comprised of limited local autonomy. Show elections at the national level with opposition parties being legalized on a per election basis. A shadow elite of clerics. In a word the Iranification of Iraq. A strategic setback for the US.

The administrations current largely unstated goal is a federated partial democracy of nominally unified regions. This is what the force and direction of its program of constitution and government is directed towards. Iran's influence is checked, but a long casualty-ridden quelling of the sunni insurgency by the US army is probably necessary to allow and motivate sunni acceptance of a shiite majority government. The drawdown of the rotating multi battalion US force would still be tied to markers of Iraqi progress, and not reducible to any timetable of withdrawal.

From these choices the country flies apart. Into the chaos of civil war and regional jockeying carried out by proxies of everyone's secret police apparatus with Hammas and al Qaeda taking the lead. This is the probable outcome of withdrawing American forces in the near term.

What the Sunnis want most of all is to not live under a shiite majority they treated despotically for 30 years. Their non negotiating it seems to some is still a negotiation - for terms of a deal not yet offered. It would involve giving up much of Iraq's oil wealth which is largely not in Sunni areas and would require careful negotiation of the status of ethnic groups living in each others primary territory. This tripartite mediated partition would deflate the insurgency and remove the platform for foreign fighters. The US Army would likely be asked to leave Iraq at this point, but the gains of any return to normalcy in Iraq the possibilty that the Kurds and Shiites would continue to view the US favorably Playing The Shiite Card and concurrent freedom to redirect military and diplomatic energy First Step? Admit There's a Problem to other goals would offset this greatly.


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2005 Paul Bushmiller.
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