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During the early history of American public life women participated in many public spheres, although within the context of men's place as leaders of the family. In a society organized vertically with the family as the primary unit of participation in public life, generally men spoke for the family. But in cases where no male was present, women often participated in public life.
Codification of law. After the revolution a process began to codify the common law into a written, regulatory form. This codification tended to take the most typical case and make it the universal case. Thus, the generally greater participation of men in the governmental sphere meant that the participation of women that had characterized some situations in common law became outside the law.
Republican Motherhood. Prior to the revolution the colonists had thought of themselves as "republican" more than "democratic." Republican beliefs held that those involved in government were not sent to govern their fellow citizens to represent their viewpoints so much as to represent what was right and best for the community. This was known as "public virtue" and the citizens role was to elect those with public virtue to office. After the revolution as democratic ideas spread, expectations developed that public virtue was a part of the training of the young. Soon, politics had become gendered. The image of democratic politics as a rough and tumble place, assigned the role of active involvement in politics to men and assigned the task of instilling public virtue as the contribution of women to government.
Emergence of Individualism and Democracy. After the revolution the vertical organization of society began to give way to a more democratic or horizontal organization influenced by the thoughts of the Enlightenment. Individualism -- the elevation of the individual over the family or community as the central element of society -- shifted the locus of responsibilities from the family to one's self, and thus the social obligation that enforced men's responsibility to their family weakened. At the same time, Enlightenment notions of democracy did not give all individuals access to government, only white male land owners. So while men could pursue their self-interest, women were blocked from doing so through government. The change left women with neither the social nor the legal protections to govern their welfare.
Separation of work and home. In an economy dominated by small farms, men and women worked together at the home farm. As the factory and store grew in importance in the 19th century, the site of home and work divided. This division gendered, and the home became the private sphere and the women's domain while work became the public sphere and the man's domain.
By the 1830s, women had joined African Americans, Aboriginal Americans, and unlanded Americans as generally excluded from governmental spheres. We noted earlier how in the face of exclusion from the National Public Sphere in the early 1800s, other public spheres grew and the women's sphere was among these.
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There emerged the Cult of True Womanhood, sometimes called the Cult of Domesticity, in which women were deemed the gentler sex, charged with nurturing the young in a home (Republican Motherhood) that was a refuge from the less gentle competitive world of work. Males were deemed more aggressive and charged with defending the home and seeing after it from the outside world including the rough and tumble world of democratic government.
Men | Women | |
---|---|---|
Where | Outside home economically and politically | Home; haven from the rough and tumble of outside |
Role | Earn a living for the family | Be the heart of the family; nurture children and husband |
Domain | Politics and Finance | Spritual and Emotional |
To succeed | Must be competitive, aggressive | Ministering, caring for others |
Nature | Lustful, amoral, competitive, ambitious | pure, pious, domestic, submissive |
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By 1860, two issues had emerged which fueled a lively debate at the convention.
By 1868-69, these divisions had split the movement into two organizations:
NWSA |
AWSA |
Stanton and Anthony headed up the National Women's Suffrage Association in New York | Lucy Stone and Julia Ward Howe headed up the American Women Suffrage Association in Boston |
Argued for universal suffrage --makes for some strange allies--started endorsing Democratic Party which at the time was heavily anti-black suffrage; got involved with George Train (funding) who was a noted racist and very controversial figure who was trying to run for President | Argued for the "Negro Hour"--maintained the connections with the abolitionists |
Argued for a constitutional amendment (Federal Enforcement) Anthony wrote the equal rights amendment | Worked for suffrage on a state-by-state basis (State Rights) |
Published the Revolution--targeted working-class women and got involved in labor reform; a politically and socially "radical" and controversial publication | Published the Women's Journal --targeted women professionals and a lot of women not necessarily committed to suffrage for women (often published "success" stories of women) |
Broader feminist vision--took on several issues including divorce laws, equal pay, dress reform | Focus was solely on suffrage (sometimes women's education issues) |
A Rhetoric of Individualism | A Rhetoric of Morality |
In 1890, the NWSA and the AWSA reunited into the National American Women's Suffrage Association.
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The movement, like other places for public life organized into formal organizations.
In general, the movement sought to provide women a place to develop their public voices so they could move into greater influence in the governmental sphere.
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A style of discourse developed that has been called the feminine style (although it is not a style solely used by women). Karyln Campbell claims the style was rooted in the craft community experience. It has several characteristics:
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A deep division developed in the 1860s and continued through the success of the movement that revolved around how you motivated public attention.
Rhetoric of Morality
|
|
Used argument from justice: Women are individuals, they are citizens, therefore they deserve the full rights of citizenship. Allowing them to participate in public life will fulfill them as individuals and contribute to the national community. |
Used argument from expediency: Women are the gentler sex, the guardians of society's morality. Allowing them to participate in public life will make the national community more pure, more peaceful, more moral. |
Built on the Declaration of Independence and the notion of natural rights. Grew directly from the Reform movement. | Built on the "Cult of True Womanhood." Attempted to turn the basis of opposition into a basis for support. Traded on the rhetoric of moral inheritance. |
Important Ideographs: <rights> <citizens> <freedom> <equality> | Important Ideographs: <moral> <family> <security> <home> <family> |
Example: Elizabeth Cady Stanton's "Solitude of the Self" | Example: Rhetoric of the Women's Christian Temperance Union. |
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This lecture was developed with the assistance of Lisa Gring-Pemble, Diane Blair, Michele Mason, and Lindsay Hayes.