Week by week readings
Jan. 30 2 surveys (at least browse through these): Lasnik and Funakoshi (In press) "Ellipsis in Transformational Grammar"; Craenenbroeck and Merchant (2013) "Ellipsis Phenomena".
Pages from Aspects about ellipsis (esp. recoverability)
THE classic paper on ellipsis: Ross (1969) "Guess Who"
Feb. 6 Continue Jan. 30 readings. Focus especially on Ross (1969)
[[Some things that came up last time: Reinhart (1983) on sloppy identity as variable binding. Lasnik (1976) appendix on the same. Merchant (2013) on voice mismatches in ellipsis. Oku (1998) Ch.2 on aspect mismatches.]]
Feb. 13 Finish reading Ross (1969). To further explore Ross's subcategorization argument, take a look at Grimshaw (1979), which argues we need both semantic selection and syntactic subcategorization. <Here are some notes on Guess Who that I made for myself that you might find helpful.> <And here's a HO on Island Repair.>
Feb. 20 Lasnik (2001) Sections 3 and 4. Merchant (1999) Chapter 3; Chapter 4, Sections 1 and 2. HO on Island Repair. [Chomsky's early response to Ross on island violation repair is in his "Some Empirical Issues ...", pp. 71-73; Baker and Brame's is in "'Global Rules': A Rejoinder" pp. 60-62.]
Feb. 27 Island repair, failure of island repair, new arguments against 'short' sources: Look again at Lasnik (2001) Sections 3 and 4 and HO on Island Repair. Then Fox and Lasnik on The difference between sluicing and VP-ellipsis; Fox and Pesetsky HO on linearization, esp. Sections 1-3, 8, and their Theoretical Linguistics paper, sections 1-3, and 7; Yoshida, Hunter, Frazier on Parasitic Gaps licensed by elided syntactic structure; Rottman and Yoshida on Sluicing, Idioms, and Island Repair.
Some notes for today.
<Important background: Chung, Ladusaw and McCloskey (1995)>
March 6 Continue Feb. 27 readings on evidence for repair and possible mechanisms of repair. <Here's the Nunes-Uriagereka piece.>
As background for the Yoshida, Hunter, Frazier paper, you might want to take a look at the 2 Chomsky stories on parasitic gaps: Chomsky 1982 Ch.s 3 and 4 (and, if you like, a summary of it in Lasnik and Uriagereka 1988 A Course in GB Syntax Sections 3.1-3.2); Chomsky 1986 Ch. 10 (summary and discussion in Lasnik and Saito Move α Chapters 3.4.1, 126.96.36.199, 5.1.1.
Successive cyclicity of WH-movement in Sluicing? Fox and Lasnik said no. Aguero-Bautista says yes. His argument is based on WH-Q interactions and 'family of questions readings, so here are 2 HOs on that: WH-Q interactions 1; WH-Q interactions 2
March 13 Continue previous weeks' readings. Herre are some things that came up in March 6 discussion: Nakao diss. (pp. 59-67 for adjuncts and non-repair, though the whole diss. is relevant to our course); Barss&Lasnik on double objects; Hornstein, Lasnik, Uriagereka 'The Dynamics of Islands'.
<<See Barros, et al. "There is no island repair" for arguments against the Ross-Merchant-Lasnik position.>>
March 27 Continue all the left over stuff from preceding weeks.
April 3 Finally we'll get to Parasitic Gaps licensed by elided syntactic structure. Then, finally, to issues of successive cyclicity: Fox and Lasnik said no. Aguero-Bautista says yes. His argument is based on WH-Q interactions and 'family of questions' readings, so here are 2 HOs on that: WH-Q interactions 1; WH-Q interactions 2. A consequence of Fox-Lasnik approach: Nakao diss. (pp. 59-67 adjuncts and non-repair); also see Part III of Section 2 my 2005 LSA HO.
APRIL 10 COURSE PAPER PROPOSAL DUE (About 2 pages, briefly summarizing what you will be looking at, a few examples, and some bibliography.) Any topic at all, as long as it has some connection to ellipsis.
April 10 Successive cyclcity. See the April 3 stuff on this. Notes on adjuncts.
[Some other readings that came up in discussion last time: Boeckx and Lasnik "Intervention and repair"; Stjepanovic on Sluicing and Superiority in SC; Chomsky 1973 pp. 272-273 on P-stranding and pied-piping; HL note on non-repair of P-stranding violations.
April 17 Finish successive cyclcity discussion. Then ...
EPP and repair? Here's a HO on this.Lasnik (2001) "A note on the EPP"; HO on optionality of object shift/raising to object [supplemental: Lasnik (2001) "Subjects, Objects, and the EPP"] Subject Condition repair vs. EPP repair: Merchant 5.2.3; Lasnik and Park (2003) "The EPP and the Subject Condition under Sluicing"
April 24 All the EPP stuff from last time. HO on strong features and ellipsis. Ochi 1999 on Move and Attract. [And here's some of the stuff that came up with repect to cyclcicity: Sloan 1991 "Quantifier-Wh Interaction"; Aguero-Bautista diss.]
May 1 Presentations: Aaron; Rodrigo [[The Epstein-Seely book arguing against EPP: Epstein, Samuel D. and T. Daniel Seely. 2006. Derivations in Minimalism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.]]
May 8 Presaentations: Max; Annemarie
May 16 PAPER DUE (Send me pdf by e-mail)
1106 Marie Mount Hall
<lasnik [AT] UMD [DOT] edu>
Wednesday afternoons (except 3-4)
Thursday until about 4:00 pm
-The nature of ellipsis: PF deletion or LF copying or WYSIWYG?
-The proper formulation of the 'identity' requirement: semantic, formal, some combination?
-'Licensing' of ellipsis
-Antecedent Contained Deletion
-Repair by ellipsis: What kinds of violations can/can't be repaired by ellipsis? And implications for the architecture of the grammar.
-'Headless XP ellipsis' (where the head of XP has moved out) - Is it possible? If not, why not?
We will look at some of the older literature on these questions (e.g., Ross on Sluicing, Sag's thesis, May's book) and, of course, more recent stuff, by Merchant, by me, and by others.
More info to follow.